One other thing about Prop 140 that is often cited as concerning: that significant details of what happens after the open primary (how many move to the general, etc) are left to either the legislature, if it acts, or the Secretary of State, if it doesn't.
Tell me how this is incorrect: if Prop 140 had been law in the last gubernatorial election (especially with RCV), we would now have Gov. Taylor-Robson.
With open primaries and top-two generals, it would have been just another Hobbs-Lake showdown because they’d be the top two primary vote-getters. With a top-four system, Hobbs landslide.
With open primaries and RCV, something like this in the general:
40% Hobbs-Robson-Lake
31% Lake-Robson-Hobbs
29% Robson-mix
Robson would’ve been eliminated first round. And then you’d have some never-MAGA Robson voters move to Hobbs and some never-DEMS to Lake and we’d get roughly the same results we ended up with in the faceoff.
RCV won’t lead to the least popular candidate somehow getting elected. What it can do is allow for *broadly* popular independent candidates to win who otherwise wouldn’t because voting is captured by partisan “don’t want to waste my vote” dynamics.
One other thing about Prop 140 that is often cited as concerning: that significant details of what happens after the open primary (how many move to the general, etc) are left to either the legislature, if it acts, or the Secretary of State, if it doesn't.
Tell me how this is incorrect: if Prop 140 had been law in the last gubernatorial election (especially with RCV), we would now have Gov. Taylor-Robson.
(Views are my own)
With open primaries and top-two generals, it would have been just another Hobbs-Lake showdown because they’d be the top two primary vote-getters. With a top-four system, Hobbs landslide.
With open primaries and RCV, something like this in the general:
40% Hobbs-Robson-Lake
31% Lake-Robson-Hobbs
29% Robson-mix
Robson would’ve been eliminated first round. And then you’d have some never-MAGA Robson voters move to Hobbs and some never-DEMS to Lake and we’d get roughly the same results we ended up with in the faceoff.
RCV won’t lead to the least popular candidate somehow getting elected. What it can do is allow for *broadly* popular independent candidates to win who otherwise wouldn’t because voting is captured by partisan “don’t want to waste my vote” dynamics.
It’s easy: vote YES on 139 and the school bond issues. Vote NO on everything else.
Thank you for the summary on propositions. It was very helpful.